嘉文博译英语八级翻译专栏


研究生入学考试(翻译部分全真题)

SECTION A: Translate the following underlined part of the Chinese text into English.

(原 文)

  哲学家们以各种各样的方式解释世界。哲学是言而不是行。哲学家断乎改变不了自然与社会。是不能也,非不为也。哲学不是科学技术,不是生产力。哲学是怀疑,是思虑,是静观,是探索。

  严格来说,哲学不是解释宇宙,那是自然科学的事。哲学家至多只能解释人生,解释自己,解释文本。哲学也不是知,不是知识体系,不是几何学、物理学那样一大套公理、公式,可以解决实际生存问题。哲学的精神永远是探究、怀疑、发问、沉思;而不是提供现成的答案。哲学家有些不食人间烟火,他远离田野车间,甚至也不拿天文望远镜观察观察天体,而只是坐在静谧的书斋里读书、思考,思索那些具有终极意义、虚无缥缈的本体问题。哲学家孤苦伶仃,独处一室之中。面对古往今来的大哲学家遗留下来的问题,他苦苦沉思。他唯一富有的是文本,哲学因而就是解释文本,而不是解释宇宙。

  哲学家只是一味地同古往今来的灵魂交谈--他读书,是同古昔人物交谈;他写作,是同子孙后代交谈;他讲演,是同莘莘学子交谈;他沉思,是同自己交谈。他长于洞见,洞见未来;他善于遐想,遐想无限;他耽于梦幻,幻游彼岸;他富于关怀,关怀永恒。他同远在天涯的哲人和精神交谈,在这个意义上,他视通万里,思接千载。他伟大,他不朽,他同古往今来的灵魂对话。

  以哲学为命运的人应当准备在崎岖小路上独行,没有目的,也不会有黄金滚滚而来。告别鲜花、头衔、掌声和奖品,钟情于思,就会有真哲学。

(参考译文)

Philosophers interpret the world through a myriad of ways. Philosophy is more speculative than active. In no way do philosophers transform nature or society. This is not because they do not wish to, but because they are unable to. Philosophy does not work the way that science and technology do, and for this reason, philosophy does not represent a form of production force. What philosophy does represent are skepticism, reflection, contemplation, and exploration.

Strictly speaking, philosophy does not attempt at explicating the universe, a responsibility that primarily resides with natural sciences. At their best, philosophers can only interpret life, interpret themselves, and interpret texts. Philosophy does not pretend to be knowledge, hence it does not aim at the construction of a system of knowledge, dissimilar to geometry or physics whose colossal framework of axioms and formulas can provide immediate solutions to the pragmatic problems of human survival. The essence of philosophy lies in eternal questing, questioning, inquiring, and meditating. Philosophy is under no obligation to furnish ready and handy answers. To some extent, philosophers tend to refrain from any secular involvements. A philosopher seldom frequents farmlands or factories, and he even never bothers to look through a telescope to make any observation of celestial bodies. He is only fond of staying in his personal library, in all its quietude, where he indulges himself in book-reading and in musing, pondering on those intangible ontological issues that he deems to be of ultimate significance. A philosopher is willing to surrender himself to utter loneliness and seclusion, confining himself to a room of his own, in a state of overwhelming solitude. In the face of the philosophical issues left over by great philosophical thinkers ancient and modern, he contemplates painstakingly. The only wealth to his possession is texts. Therefore, the task of philosophy is to interpret texts rather than to interpret the universe.

A philosopher is solely concerned with conducting dialogues with the great souls from ancient antiquity to the contemporary era. In reading books, he converses with the ancients. In writing his own books, he converses with the progeny. In delivering lectures, he converses with a multitude of young students. In contemplating, he converses with himself. He is adept at insights, penetrating into the future. He excels in speculations, speculating on the infinite. He indulges in reveries, traveling in the otherworld in unbounded fantasy. He abounds in sympathies, concerned about the eternal. He converses with the philosophers and the great minds in the remotest corners of the earth. In this sense, his vision extends into the infinite distance and his thoughts are connected with the past and the future. His vision and thoughts transcend all spatiotemporal boundaries whatsoever. He is great; he is immortal; because he is in permanent dialogue with the great souls of the past, the present and the future ……

A person who pursues philosophy as his destiny must be ready to trudge along a lonely path replete with twists and turns, purposelessly and aimlessly. Nor should he expect to reap any materialistic rewards. He should be fully prepared to bid farewell to bouquets of flowers, honorary titles, applauses, and prizes in favor of committing himself solely to a life of meditation and contemplation. Only in such a state will true philosophy be born.

SECTION B:Translate the following underlined part of the English text into Chinese
Translate the following into Chinese.

(20XX)

Until early in this century, the isolationist tendency prevailed in American foreign policy. Then two factors projected America into world affairs: its rapidly expanding power, and the gradual collapse of the international system centered on Europe. The watershed presidencies marked this progression: Theodore Roosevelt's (1) and Woodrow Wilson's (2). These men held the reins of government when world affairs were drawing a reluctant nation into their vortex. Both recognized that America had a crucial role to play in world affairs though they justified its emergence from isolation with opposite philosophies.

Roosevelt was a sophisticated analyst of the balance of power. He insisted on an international role for America because its national interest demanded it, and because a global balance of power was inconceivable to him without American participation. For Wilson, the justification of America's international role was messianic: America had an obligation, not to the balance of power, but to spread its principles throughout the world. During the Wilson's Administration, America emerged as a key player in world affairs, proclaiming principles which, while reflecting the truisms of American though, nevertheless marked a revolutionary departure for Old World diplomats. These principles held that peace depends on the spread of democracy, that states should be judged by the same ethical criteria as individuals, and that the national interest consists of adhering to a universal system of law.

To hardened veterans of a European diplomacy based on the balance of power, Wilson's views about the ultimately moral foundations of foreign policy appeared strange, even hypocritical. Yet Wilsonianism has survived while history has bypassed the reservations of his contemporaries. Wilson was the originator of the vision of a universal world organization, the League of Nations, which would keep the peace through collective security rather than alliance. Though Wilson could not convince his own country of its merit, the idea lived on. It is above all to the drumbeat of Wilsonian idealism that American foreign policy has marched since his watershed presidency, and continues to march to this day.

America's singular approach to international affairs did not develop all at once, or as the consequence of a solitary inspiration. In the early years of the Republic, American foreign policy was in fact a sophisticated reflection of the American national interest, which was, simply, to fortify the new nation's independence. Since no European country was capable of posing an actual threat so long as it had to contend with rivals, the Founding Fathers showed themselves quite ready to manipulate the despised balance of power when it suited their needs indeed, they could be extraordinarily skillful at maneuvering between France and Great Britain not only to preserve America's independence but to enlarge its frontiers. Because they really wanted neither side to win a decisive victory in the wars of the French Revolution, they declared neutrality. Jefferson defined the Napoleonic Wars as a contest between the tyrant on the land (France) and the tyrant of the ocean (England) -in other words, the parties in the European struggle were morally equivalent. Practicing an early form of nonalignment, the new nation discovered the benefit of neutrality as a bargaining tool, just as many an emerging nation has since.

(参考译文)

直到本世纪初,孤立主义倾向在外交政策中一直大行其道。后来,两大因素致使美国置身于世界事务之中。其一是它迅猛膨胀的国力,其二是以欧洲为中心的国际体系的渐趋崩溃。两届具有分水岭意义的总统任期标志着这种事态的发展,(1)罗斯福; (2)威尔逊。这两人执掌政府权力之际,正值世界事务正将美国这个不愿介入国际事务的国家卷入它们的漩涡之时。这两位总统均认识到,美国应在世界事务中扮演关键角色,尽管他们用截然相反的两套学说来为美国从孤立状态中脱颖而出寻找理据。

  罗斯福对均势的分析可谓老谋深算。他坚定不移地认为,美国应扮演某种国际角色,因为美国的国家利益需要这一国际角色,并且因为对他来说,没有美国参与的全球均势将是无法想象的。对于威尔逊总统来说,美国扮演国际角色的理由更多地带有救世主的色彩:美国不仅仅对均势负有义务,而且也有义务将其自身的原则传播到全球每个角落。威尔逊总统执政其间,美国一跃而成为国际事务中的一个主要角色,到处宣扬其自身的原则。这些原则虽然折射出了美国思想中那些老生常谈的内容,但对于旧世界的外交家而言,仍标志着一种革命性的更弦易辙。美国的这些原则坚持认为,世界和平取决于民主的传播,人们在对国家进行评判时应采用与评判个人相同的道德准则,并且,国家利益在于坚持一套放之四海而皆准的法律体系。

  对于那些以均势为依据的强硬的欧洲外交老手而言,威尔逊总统所提出的有关外交政策终极道德基础的论点似乎显得有点怪异,甚至虚伪。然而,威尔逊主义在历史上经久不衰,而他同代人对其论点所怀有的保留意见则早已烟消云散。威尔逊总统是"国际联盟"这一全球性世界组织的构想的始作俑者,这一组织旨在通过集体安全而非结盟的方式维护世界和平。虽然威尔逊总统没能说服他的国家相信这一组织的价值,但他的理念却得以沿续下来。毕竟而言,正是自从威尔逊具有分水岭意义的总统任期以来,美国的外交政策才得以伴随着威尔逊总统理想主义的阵阵鼓点不断迈进,且时至今日依然奋进不辍。

  美国对国际事务所采取的那种独特手法并非一蹴而就,或纯粹缘起于一种心血来潮,异想天开。在立国之初,美国的外交政策实质上错综复杂地折射出了美国的国家利益,即,一言以蔽之,强化这一新兴国家的独立。既然任何一个欧洲国家,只要它不得不与其对手们展开竞争,就不足以构成一种实际威胁,故美利坚共和国的奠基者们表现得十分愿意去利用受人鄙视的均势,因为均势确实能顺应他们的需要。他们极其擅长于在英法之间挑拨离间,不仅仅得以维护美国的独立,而且得以拓展其疆域。因为他们并不真正希望任何一方在法国大革命的战争中赢得决定性的胜利,他们便宣布中立。杰佛逊总统将拿破仑战争定义为陆地霸主(法国)和海洋霸主(英国)之间的一场搏杀--换言之,这场欧洲争斗中的双方在道德层面上实乃一丘之貉。通过推行一种早期的不结盟政策,美国这个新兴国家尝到了中立作为一种讨价还价的工具的甜头,正如自此以后,许多崛起中的国家大多乐此不倦那样。

20XX)

As self-appointed custodians of ideals and fundamental moral principles, pre-1910 American intellectuals believed it their responsibility to lead the nation upward and onward. If there were obstacles to be overcome, intellectuals sounded the call and led the reformers' charge. If idealistic visions were the requirements, they provided blueprints for utopians. The twentieth century began with most intellectuals in the United States sanguine about the future of the Western world. The wave of pride and confidence generated by the Renaissance and the Enlightenment still rolled strongly. What a work of art was man! His intellect, disciplined with science, seemed capable of explaining and utilizing every natural process. And the same natural laws that provided the key to the physical world were thought to make possible a social science as well. With liberal application of the oil of natural rights, most Americans confidently expected the social vehicle to run squeakless forever---World War I explored this halcyon vision.

The way in which the actual phrase "lost generation" came into being is instructive. While the several accounts vary in details, there is general consensus that the phrase originated with Gertrude Stein, the Radcliffe girl turned Parisian, and the unofficial dean of expatriated American artists and writers in Europe. There is also general agreement that Stein used the phrase in conversation with Ernest Hemingway about 1921. Hemingway's own account in A Moveable Feast is the most complete. Gertrude Stein, he begins, found it necessary to take her Model T Ford to a Paris garage for ignition repairs. Apparently the young mechanic who worked on the car did not fix it satisfactorily or possibly he took too long. Stein, at any rate, protested to the owner of the garage, and he in turn called the mechanic to task. The owner then explained to Stein that all the young workers in his shop lacked skill because they had served in the war and missed the crucial early years of vocational training. At one point in the conversation, according to Hemingway, the garage keeper said of his mechanics, that they were "all a generation perdue." Some time later, Stein applied the phrase to the 23-year-old Hemingway and his friends. Angry at their rowdy, drunken behavior, she saw the connection. " 'That's what you are. That's what you all are,' " Miss Stein said, 'All of you young people who served in the war. You are a lost generation.' " Hemingway evidently was surprised, the idea had not occurred to him before. " 'Really?' " he asked. " 'You are.' " Stein insisted. ' You have no respect for anything. You drink yourselves to death . . . ' " Hemingway attempted to protest that he was never drunk when he came to Stein salon, but Stein, as usual, had the final word. " 'Don't argue with me, Hemingway . . . It does no good at all. You're all a lost generation, exactly as the garage keeper said.' "

北京市海淀区上地三街9号金隅嘉华大厦A座808B

电话:(010)-62968808 / (010)-13910795348

钱老师咨询邮箱:qian@proftrans.com   24小时工作热线:13910795348

版权所有 北京嘉文博译教育科技有限责任公司 嘉文博译翻译分公司 备案序号:京ICP备05038804号